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Dems divided over Webb’s proposal
requiring approval for attacking Iran
By Elana Schor
April 18, 2007
The Hill
Supporters of requiring President Bush to secure congressional
approval for any preemptive strike on Iran are regrouping for a
new push, presaging a difficult vote for Democratic leaders and
presidential hopefuls alike.
Democrats hailed the Iraq withdrawal language attached to the
emergency supplemental as a signal of a newly assertive
Congress, even though the House removed a mandate for
authorization of attacks on Iran from early drafts of the bill.
The reversal quieted some Democrats’ concerns that reining in
Bush on Iran could endanger Israel’s security in the Middle
East.
Iran is likely to reappear on the agenda this spring, however,
as Sen. Jim Webb (D-Va.) considers adding his language on the
issue to the defense authorization bill and House Democrats hold
their leadership to a promise for a roll-call vote.
“There is no hand-tying here. We’re not taking
options off the table,” Webb spokeswoman Jessica Smith said. “He
offered this piece of legislation to restore the proper balance
between the executive and legislative branch. This is a bill to
empower Congress.”
For many Democratic base voters, Webb’s Iran language is also a
litmus test for presidential candidates. White House assertions
that Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is tied to Iraqi
insurgent groups makes opposition to a possible war with Iran as
crucial as opposition to the Iraq war for Democrats running in
2008.
Tom Andrews, the former Democratic lawmaker now leading the
anti-war group Win Without War, said the party’s White House
hopefuls should see Webb’s plan as a no-brainer.
“The idea that you could not support prohibiting a military
strike, given the conditions that are on [Webb’s measure] …
certainly raises serious questions in our community,” Andrews
said.
Former Sen. John Edwards (D-N.C.) and Sen. Joseph Biden (D-Del.)
are the only 2008 Democrats on record as backing Webb’s effort.
Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.) took the Bush
administration to task on Iran in a Feb. 14 floor speech,
supporting the spirit of Webb’s effort, if not his specific
language.
“It would be a mistake of historical proportion if the
administration thought that the 2002 resolution authorizing
force against Iraq was a blank check for the use of force
against Iran without further congressional authorization,”
Clinton said.
When asked whether Clinton would vote for Webb’s language, a
spokesman for the New Yorker took a wait-and-see approach,
saying it depends on the format in which it reaches the floor.
Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.) has also kept mum on Webb’s language,
which includes multiple exceptions in case of an attack on Iran
or Iranian hostility in Iraq. But Obama took an interest in
Webb’s push during a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing
last month with Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns.
Obama asked whether Bush believes he has presumptive authority
to attack Iran, to which Burns responded: “It’s the position of
our government that the president obviously has the
constitutional duty to protect the American people … and as
commander in chief has to be able to exercise that authority as
he sees fit.”
“I think you meant, ‘it’s the position of our administration’ as
opposed to ‘our government,’” Obama replied.
Iran’s recent saber-rattling detention of a British naval crew,
which ended in the soldiers’ safe release, appears to have
sparked less escalation than expected between Bush and
Ahmadinejad. But pro-Israel stalwarts such as Sen. Joseph
Lieberman (D-Conn.) see any curb on U.S. action against Iran as
a potential handcuff in Iraq.
“What if the president decides, at the request of General
Petraeus, that we have to take action to take out [an Iranian]
base?” Lieberman said yesterday. “I wouldn’t want to have to go
through a month-long debate in Congress before you could do
that.”
The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC),
Washington’s most influential pro-Israel lobbying group, held
its capital policy conference just after the House removed Iran
authorization language from its version of the supplemental.
AIPAC Executive Director Howard Kohr told members there that any
legislative attempt to limit U.S. options in Iran would be
harmful and signal weakness.
In addition to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s (D-Nev.)
support, Webb has the public backing of Appropriations Chairman
Robert Byrd (D-W.Va.) and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.). In the
House, Rep. Jim McDermott (D-Wash.) said through a spokesman
that he would hold Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) to her vow
for a recorded vote on Iran authorization language.
“I think it will pass because there isn’t a thinking person in
the world that believes the President when he says won’t launch
a military strike against Iran,” McDermott said. “Even
conservative Republicans are worried about the president’s lack
of credibility.”
Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.) echoed McDermott’s intentions.
“The Bush administration has already misled our nation into one
unnecessary preemptive war under false pretenses, and Congress
needs to make it perfectly clear that he does not have the
authority to take us down the same road with Iran,” Lee said in
an e-mail.
The multilateralist group Just Foreign Policy marshaled
supporters of the Webb amendment during the supplemental debate
last month. Antiwar groups including Peace Action and United for
Peace and Justice joined in by organizing grassroots call-ins to
Senate offices urging a vote on the Webb language.
“The Senate is going to feel the pressure to pass this provision
soon,” Robert Naiman, national coordinator of Just Foreign
Policy, wrote on the group’s website. Among its board members
are Julian Bond, chairman of the NAACP, and Robert Borosage,
co-director of the Campaign for America’s Future.
Source
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Stop Bush from Escalating into Iran (MoveOn)
No War with Iran! (Peace Action)
No to War With Iran (JFP)
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Force Against Iran...[more]
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No war in Iran...[more]
Text of Santa Cruz City Council Resolution
Eyes on the Prize
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[text]
Congressman Ron Paul
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Only with the complicity of Congress have we
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